21.Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility1 of eighteenth-century American society usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines.
22.Social structure was in fact so fluidthough recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressedthat to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like the better sort.
23.Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility2, the opposition3 was primarily geographical4. Sectional conflictwhich also existed between North and Southdeserves further investigation5.
24.Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus6 among the colonists7 cannot fully8 understand that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.
25.The recent, apparently9 successful, prediction by mathematical models of an appearance of EI Ninothe warm ocean current that periodically develops along the Pacific coast of South Americahas excited researchers.
26.Taking months to traverse the Pacific, Rossby waves march to the western boundary of the Pacific basin, which is modeled as a smooth wall but in reality consists of quite irregular island chains, such as, the Philippines and Indonesia.
27.Such philosophical10 concerns as the mind-body problem or, more generally, the nature of human knowledge they believe, are basic human questions whose tentative philosophical solutions have served as the necessary foundations on which all other intellectual speculation11 has rested.
28.When, in the seventeenth century, Descartes and Hobbes rejected medieval philosophy, they did not think of themselves, as modern philosophers do, as proposing a new and better philosophy, but rather as furthering the warfare12 between science and theology.
29.They were fighting, albeit13 discreetly14, to open the intellectual world to the new science and to liberate15 intellectual life from ecclesiastical philosophy and envisioned their work as contributing to the growth, not of philosophy, but of research in mathematics and physics.
30.This link between philosophical interests and scientific practice persisted until the nineteenth century, when decline in ecclesiastical power over scholarship and changes in the nature of science provoked the final separation of philosophy from both.
21.当然，争吵还会发生在造反派之间，争执在所难免，但，十八世纪美国社会的巨大流动性（非常明显除去奴隶以外）常常可以阻止这类争吵沿着阶级路线恶化。
22.社会结构事实上是这样具备流动性尽管近期的数据表明，存在一个愈加狭窄的经济机会，伴随该世纪后半期地进步以致于要谈论社会阶层的话，就需要使用一些模糊的经济分类，譬如富人、没钱人、和中产阶级，或者十八世纪的名字，象最好的一类。
23.尽管，在这种敌对态度下面存在阶级冲突的低音（不太明显），但这种对抗主如果区域性的。区域性冲突也存在于北方与南方之间值得进一步研究。
24.但，那些强调完成（达成）的历史学家，殖民者之间常见一致建议的达成，这类历史学家不可以够完全理解那种一致建议，假如不知道，冲突是被克服或者压制之后，为了达成一致建议。
25.近期，显然成功的预测,通过数学模型，关于El Nino现象温暖的洋流，周期性地出目前南美洲太平洋沿岸这个预测使研究者非常开心。
26.用了几个月横穿太平洋，R波到达太平洋海盆的西部边界，被模拟成一堵平滑的墙壁，但事实上，是由非常不规则的岛屿链组成，譬如，菲律宾群岛和印度尼西亚群岛。
27.这种有关于精神与肉体的考虑，或者更常见地讲，人类常识的本质，他们相信，都是基本的人类问题，其探索性的哲学答案已经成为一个必要的基础，其它所有些智商考虑都是以此为基础的。
28.在十七世纪，当笛卡尔和霍布斯抛弃中世纪哲学 的时候，他们并没象现代哲学家那样，觉得自己是在提出一种全新的和更好的哲学，而是觉得自己是在促进科学与神学的战争。
29.他们战斗，尽管是小心翼翼的，是为了使思想世界向新科学打开大门，并且把思想生活从教会哲学中解放出来，他们把我们的工作看成是对进步作出的贡献，不是在对哲学的贡献，而是对数学和物理学的贡献。
30.这种哲学兴趣与科学实践之间的联系一直持续到十九世纪，这个时候，教会压制学术界的力量已经衰退，与科学在性质上的变化，致使了哲学与这两者的最后离别。
